Enlargement of theEU to (CEEC):
It is clear that enlargement of the EU (CEEC) does offer no immediate benefit for Europe and for its ancient Mediterranean third partner opportunities however mention diversion of financial flows, technology flows and industrial of East to the detriment of the South stream, a simplistic analysis does not take in consideration the new cooperation European European realities
Indeed lack of territory for the creation of a European space economic and political order. The assumption would be clearer if we compare the European territory across continental American or Russian. We can observe that Europe is located in the junction of two continents, Asia and Africa. By observing these geographical facts, it is logical that Europeans will seek the sea as a means of communication, as he once tried it through maritime routes and have found ways to expand their territories. Thus Europe UNECE United in its internal space, had to seek new mechanisms in outer space. They were found by the Pact and policy consensus and are materialized in the Lomé agreements, zone domination would mainly Africa, which is logical for historical reasons and proximity. However, the end of the voltage is West helped to collect more evidence a new European mutation and created new situations requiring new decisions taken.
Initially, ECE has sought to consolidate in the direction of Europe North, through the entry of the United Kingdom, the Denmark and the Ireland. The second expansion to the Mediterranean and appears as a change in the design; The Greece, the Portugal and the Spain appear to be a turning point of Europe. The European community acquired a Mediterranean character that it did not previously. Europe is returned to the Mediterranean but the fall of the Berlin wall by its consequences did change the direction to the CEECs. Thus negotiations d ' ongoing accession were incurred in 1998avec six candidate countries: the Hungary, the Poland Czech Republic l ' Estonia, Slovenia and Cyprus. These countries came to add the Romania, the Bulgaria, the Slovakia Latvia, Lithuania and Malta. The Helsinki European Council granted candidate country quality Turkey, with whom negotiations d ' corresponding membership n ' have not yet been initiated. The Nice European Council has given a final boost to l ' enlargement by preparing the Community institutions to welcome new members.
In this case, the position of the EU appears to be first place, to increase the budgetary capacity in order to finance the assimilation of these countries. Germany according to its geographical location is partisan of the East direction. Its reunification and the development of its relations with the East can only promote the German economy and its position.
This East direction is not incompatible with the South direction. Both are possible for the EU in the attempt of economic space. But what seems certain is that the simultaneous realisation of both will be difficult. The EU must impose priorities which must necessarily be the result of a European political agreement. At first glance, it appears that Mediterranean countries community appetite for the South. The Germany, address to the East.
We could say economic branch is would be the shortest path logic and more sure to expand European economic base. The point of seen cultural, the path is easy thanks to the compatibility in this area. Politically, it will be more difficult, since it must avoid all historical facts that such process may cause.
The EU has not programmed an outright eviction of the southern Mediterranean area countries. It however wants to implement a real layout competition from Eastern and Mediterranean countries. The immediate assistance of the European Union is not in constant envelope but increased to cover both poles: countries of East and South. There must still emphasize that Eastern countries have committed heavy reforms for a sustainable growth which is always the case for the countries of the South.
Although widely expanded in 1995, and scope 4,685 million euros for the period 1995-1999 - 3475 million euros for MEDA –, the financial envelope for the Mediterranean countries is not sufficient to cope with the magnitude of the task reported using consented to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, she is 70% so that the needs are at least as important in the Mediterranean that they are in the accession countries. The gap is widening further still if one takes into account the level of assistance provided by capita potentially beneficiary.
In addition, it is recalled that the candidate countries to accession to the Union also enjoy specific pre-accession aid listed in a separate specific budget heading that devoted to European external aid. However, to temper criticism to the limits of the budget, paid assistance must be profitable, also taking account of the recipient country's absorption capacity. The problem arises also in an identical manner even in the European structural funds currently eligible Member States and candidate countries.
Project of enlargement of the Union European countries preceded by all kinds of aid has been justified by the need to support their transition towards democracy and market economy, ensure the security of Europe on the East by the stabilization of multi-ethnic societies flank instilling a capable of ensuring their cohesion comfort level. Indeed, twelve has participated in height of 51% capital reserved by the EBRD in the CEECs, as it has granted to these countries for their assistance project three billion dollars until the fin1993 assistance while using all of the countries of the third World Europe suffered no improvement review. European language in support of the preferences granted to Israel relies on roughly similar reasons in favour of the countries, with common is to create conditions of competition procedures for the economies of the South.
This process, despite its current collateral effects on Mediterranean third countries, presents itself as a political necessity and a historic opportunity", as reported by the conclusions of the European Council in Madrid in 1995.Sur politically, this will allow for enhanced safety and cooperation between the States of the European continent and its peripheries. On the economic front, l ' enlargement the new Member States of the internal market will increase trade flows and increase confidence in investments in the EU. L ' enlargement is therefore essential to l ' Europe continental dimension necessary to act at l ' ère de la mondialisation. Finally, l ' enlargement presents itself as the ideal way to strengthen the foundations of peace, democracy and prosperity in Europe and consequently to the benefit of its partners. . That southern countries should retain it is does not look always with the eyes of the past what currently happens in the East.
So therefore, l ' Union is now fully engaged in a historical process ' enlargement, the most ambitious ever undertaken, which will double in the near future the number of ' States members. A historical process which will lead to the reunification of the continent with l ' incorporation of the former Communist States d ' Europe and some Mediterranean countries Central and Eastern.
Largest dictates what is happening in the East education is to go fast by creating operational and credible regional entities and it is in this light and on this basis can take advantage of current transformations and make the Mediterranean a valuable interlocutor.
Creating opportunities:
To achieve the objectives of the euro-Mediterranean partnership envisaged by the Barcelona Declaration and thus constitute an area of free trade by 2010, requires that countries and EU Mediterranean partners (PMP) implement a myriad of concerted actions. These actions have the resolution of international conflicts and the creation of infrastructure that will encourage regional cooperation and will enable to establish quickly, PMP, growth economics. sustainable
Indeed, by the limited number of decisions to date in the Barcelona process, it appears that decision-makers in the European Union, such as those of the PMP have not made the magnitude and complexity of the measures to be taken, and little time is outsourced. The actions must wear low profile such as most of the countries of this region, the expansion of their educational structures, resources in science and technology, increased debt relief issues using these means provide specific solutions to regional problems.
When representatives of the 27 European and Mediterranean partners have reached an agreement and approved, after a lively debate, the Declaration of Barcelona on 28 November 1995, many observers thought that something new was emerging on the horizon. We then much talked of a "decisive turning" in the euro-Mediterranean relations.
But from the simple media event, the Barcelona Conference was not marked an historic turning point: just set up a ramp launching for a difficult and complicated process aimed at achieving the following three objectives: preserving peace and stability; constitute a zone of prosperity through the establishment of a free trade area; encourage mutual understanding between different cultures. A free trade area is not an end in itself, but rather a way to establish contacts between the shores of the Mediterranean to reduce the social and economic disparities, faster towards sustainability, encourage regional cooperation and to integrate the PMP in the global economy so that they remain on the margins of the new multilateral trading system.
However, differences in levels of development between the EU and PBMS, huge disparities in terms of GDP per capita income and wages, and the PMP market European economic dependency are not insurmountable obstacles, but at least solid barriers to the establishment of a fair and successful partnership.
Other problems could compromise the entire project. Firstly, the issue of debt. With 200 billion external debt, the Governments of the Mediterranean countries must pay each year 17 to 19 billion for debt service that they receive on average 2 billion from the EU (grants and loans from the EIB). It is therefore critical to consider debt reduction solutions, and at the earliest enter into negotiations on the redevelopment. Since Europe is the major creditor, was to take the initiative. In addition, according to World Bank statistics, the Algeria is the only PMP featuring a trade surplus, and only the Algeria and Malta were roughly balanced accounts. This complicates the repayment of the loan and its eventual restructuring. Reduction of the debt of the countries of Latin America in the years 1980-1990 example may be useful in this context.
The second problem relates to uncertainty regarding the liberalisation of trade in agricultural products and restrictive measures impeding the free movement of citizens. Although it is easy to understand the European position on these sensitive issues, it is viewed very negatively in the countries of the South. Europe must not convey the impression that the euro-Mediterranean partnership is designed as a strategy of opening markets to European products and as a means to stop the flow of illegal migration into its territory.
Furthermore, privatization is not in itself a magic recipe: transforming a public monopoly in private monopoly cannot be a solution to the problem of economic stagnation.
In other words, the role of the State must be redefined. It is obvious that the State can no longer afford to isolate the national economy of the global market. It must allow a broader participation of the private economic agents and to reserve a role of arbiter between different groups of interest, conciliator of economic disputes of market regulator, and provide an institutional framework that would reduce transaction costs. In an era where the State is more the employer of last resort, it is essential that the private sector becomes the pivot of the redeployment of the strength of work, vocational training and job creation. In this area, the EU should support counselling, training and financing, and should establish an expert group responsible for monitoring the privatisation strategies.
The problems posed by debt, social structural adjustment costs and that slower progression of foreign investment, we can also add: continuous political conflicts, the configuration of the demographic transition and its impact on the workforce, the untapped potential of the regions, unable to build operationalising economic relations as long as the political situation is not stabilized in this region. The outcome of the Economic Summit in Doha (November 1997) confirms this view.
One of the essential points of the Euro-Mediterranean relations seems, however, be disregarded and dealt with a lot of lightness: it strategies in science and technology, remaining a little explored dimension of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership. Scientific and technological cooperation is mentioned as front part of the effort, but the European Union shows no clear political will for what is support for the PMP in science high value-added development and growth-promoting technologies: this would adjust their scientific potential and to improve cooperation in the scientific field.
Otherwise a great deal of harm, it is true, the PMP themselves. ((Than Israel, PBM, and mainly the Arab countries have been slow to include foreign investment are more attracted by the cheap, the low level of qualification of the workforce is not a good way to total GDP international competition), and scientific and technological systems too rudimentary have slowed the development of high-tech industries and hampered innovation in the traditional industry).
Training, including training S & t, is one of the main ways to increase skills and wages in the PMP. Knowing this, he must set priorities and carefully allocate resources among different levels of education: primary, secondary, higher and vocational training.
Finally, no one should forget that the Mediterranean is a field of innumerable conflicts, especially the Arab-Israeli conflict. Attempts at restoration of the peace process must be carried out firmly if we want to make progress in the Barcelona process. It is impossible to separate these two processes; If it is, the results of a cancel those of another. Negative spillovers could destroy the Euro-Mediterranean partnership or, at best, delay its implementation at the time when pressing problems require responses not less urgent.
And thus, the euro-Mediterranean partnership is a difficult process full of contradictions and difficulties. To achieve the goals it has set it will preserve the dynamics of Barcelona, mobilize the political will, involving civil society, develop human capital and closer cultures through mutual understanding and cross-border trade programs. It will also encourage the political and institutional reforms to ensure the efficiency of the bureaucracy, the financial responsibility, decentralization and transparency. Without real institutional changes, the flow of money and trade liberalization may have reverse benefits to those expected and hinder productivity. Moderated by these same beliefs, the Morocco displays its bright will finalize its democratic process and consolidate achievements of sovereignty, this can lead outside of a real and effective association with the EU and the role of France remains crucial to make heard the voice of the Morocco in European concert.
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